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Germany’s Confusion Made Clear
Germany enters the year in an equivocal frame of mind. It knows
widescale reform to its social and economic model is essential, but it is
anxious about the consequences of any change. That confused message has
landed the country with a government newly elected in September 2002, but
the same old chancellor, Gerhard Schroder, who has failed in the past to
deliver the changes he once promised. With a wafer-thin majority in the
lower house of parliament, the Bundestag, and less than half the seats in
the upper house, the Bundesrat, Schroder will find it hard to provide
striking leadership. Yet he is still likely to have four years in office.
What will he do with them?
Schroder's main efforts will be close to
home.
Germany, once the country of the post-war economic miracle, is
acquiring a reputation as the sick man of
Europe, with low growth, high unemployment and an unwillingness to
contemplate the sort of changes that might get it out of its current
difficulties. In his first term of office, Schroder made a good start on
tackling the backlog of reforms that had piled up under his veteran
conservative predecessor, Helmut Kohl. Under a five-year program of tax
reforms starting in 2001, both corporate and personal taxes are gradually
being cut to make Germany more competitive (though the cuts scheduled for
2003 are being postponed for a year to make room for spending on
catastrophic flood damage in eastern Germany in the summer of 2002). He
also took a small stab at encouraging more private-pension provisions,
essential to ensure that state pensions for
Germanys ageing population do not become unaffordable, and took a
more liberal stance on immigration. But towards the end of the term his
zeal seemed to cool, and in one of the areas most in need of reform, the
sclerotic labor market, he actually de-liberalized the rules on low-paid,
part-time jobs.
So Schroder will have his plate full, in
2003 and beyond. Given his slender majority and the need to accommodate a
more assertive Green coalition partner, has he got enough wiggle room to
achieve the reforms his country badly needs? Not likely, say his
detractors; party discipline on the left tends to be loose at the best of
times and will be even looser now. He will spend all his time looking over
his shoulder, acutely aware that the voters themselves, in a finely
calibrated verdict, have indicated that they would like things to stay
exactly as they are.
Not so, say the optimists. The small
majority will activate politicians' survival instinct, thereby ensuring
tighter discipline. The Greens, with four years' experience as coalition
partners in a federal government, have grown up a lot, and in Joschka
Fischer, the Foreign Minister, they have an internationally respected
figure. The German people may appear to have voted against change, but the
opinion polls suggest that, now that the election is out of the way, they
expect and will accept reform.
One thing that might make it easier is that
the economy will probably do better in 2003 than in the two previous
years. In both 2001 and 2002 growth languished well below 1%, and
Germany's poor eastern states experienced outright recession. But
in 2003 growth might perk up. That may embolden Schroder to aim for
something more than just survival. |