|
|
| |
|
|
|
May
2003 / No. 23 |
|
|
|
Global
Economy |
|
|

Embracing Globalization
Trade barriers are as
harmful to the countries that impose them as to the countries whose imports
they block
The key difference between our era of
globalization and the last one, which ended with the Great Depression, is
that, for the first time, many companies are operating on a global basis.
Although this has raised fears among
some in both developed and developing countries, it offers new and exciting
opportunities for raising living standards worldwide. Dramatic growth in
cross-border investment and international trade and explosive growth in global
communications and technology is what springs to mind when you hear the word
globalization. Foreign direct investment (FDI) flows, which totaled $160
billion in 1991, soared to $1.1 trillion in 2000. And, while the volume of
international trade also expanded dramatically (16-fold over the past 50
years), trade in components has grown even faster than trade in finished
goods.
Anti-globalization Myths:
Some anti-globalization
campaigners find something intrinsically sinister in corporation’s operating
across borders. They seem to believe that multinational corporations care
about nothing more than paying exploitation wages and avoiding taxes.
The evidence, however, contradicts these
generalizations: real wages have risen in the countries attracting FDI, and
corporate tax revenues have been rising, not falling. Moreover, the local
presence of internationally active companies creates strong pressures to raise
local standards rapidly in the key areas of management, technology, and
environmental quality and thus enables the host country to participate more
effectively in globalization. I am convinced that the vast majority of
multinationals conduct their affairs properly. (There are exceptions, of
course, but that is what they are.)
The real problem with globalization,
contrary to the myths dear to its staunchest opponents, is that the richest
countries account for the lion’s share of the increase in cross-border
investment and trade. All of the developing countries taken together
–including the six big Southeast Asian exporters– attracted just over 20% of
last year’s total FDI and accounted for only 27% of world exports. The longer
developing countries lag behind, as global supply chains become more
sophisticated and complex, the harder it will become for their companies to
operate on a global scale.
 |
|
There is no better vehicle
for advancing mutual self-interest than multilateral trade relationships |
Many policymakers, business leaders, and
ordinary citizens in developing countries are well aware of the need to engage
wholeheartedly in globalization. They recognize that openness is vital to
raising living standards and offers greater choices and more freedom. Indeed,
freer trade offers unprecedented scope to exploit comparative advantage, not
only in finished goods but also all along the production chain. Moreover, in
addition to bringing economic gains to countries that engage in it, trade is
also a channel for importing good policies because it undermines inefficient
and corrupt practices, thereby improving the business environment.
Trade Barriers:
It is not surprising that
developing countries keen to expand their export and investment links are
determined to achieve a more level playing field in world trade. These
countries played an important role in the World Trade Organization (WTO) talks
in Doha, in November 2001, rightly demanding that the powerful trading blocs
live up to their own free-trade rhetoric in terms of granting them market
access in protected sectors.
One of the most important
responsibilities now facing Western trade negotiators and politicians is
freeing up trade in key sectors in ways that will benefit developing
countries, but the will to do so is less in evidence today than it was in
Doha. U.S. President George W. Bush’s decision to protect inefficient U.S.
steelmakers and substantially increase farm subsidies is not encouraging. The
European Union’s continuing reluctance to reform its Common Agriculture
Policy, which effectively keeps farm products from poor countries out of
European markets, is equally troubling.
However, a crucial point has often been
overlooked – that is, trade barriers are as harmful to the countries that
impose them as to the countries whose imports they block. For example, the
U.S.’ new protectionist stance on steel and agriculture will hit American
consumers of automobiles and farm products – who far outnumber steel and
agricultural workers – with higher prices. The real trade wars take place
within countries, between consumers and special interest groups. Trade between
countries brings mutual benefits. Those who genuinely wish to reduce barriers
between rich and poor should strongly espouse free-trade policies, and expose
those special interests that urge ultimately self-defeating protectionist
measures.
Actions for Poor Countries:
But even if rich countries reduce
their trade barriers, poor countries will not benefit unless they stop
protecting and over regulating their own markets. High tariffs make imported
goods much dearer and, in many cases, have cosseted domestic industries to
such an extent that few of them could compete effectively in the world market
even if all tariffs were abolished overnight.
One of the important aspects of trade
liberalization is that it increases competition, the lifeblood of a successful
market economy. Another is that it combats the corruption that flourishes
wherever there is too much red tape and protectionism. In the end, individual
nations bear most of the responsibility for their own success or failure.
Where good government does not guarantee economic success, bad government does
assure failure.
Trade Talks:
Developing countries thus face
enormous challenges. But if globalization has magnified the penalties for
failure, it has also increased the rewards for success. The opportunities for
gains from freer trade and increased investment are greater than ever. It has
therefore never been more important for nations to recognize their
interdependence. And there is no better vehicle for advancing mutual
self-interest than multilateral trade relationships.
The European Union’s "everything but
arms" initiative is a step in the right direction. The Doha development agenda
itself will go a long way toward redressing the global imbalance. The WTO has
made great capacity-building efforts to ensure that developing countries can
overcome their technical weakness in the course of the negotiations. Trade and
investment are the keys to development and we should therefore embrace, not
oppose, globalization. |
|
|
|
| |
|
|
|
CURRENT ISSUE |
|
|
 |
|
| |
May 2003 / No. 23 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| |
| |
|
|
|