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World’s Leaders
and Borrowers |
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In market-value terms, China likely experienced significant capital gains
on its holdings of U.S. Treasury and agency bonds, whose value increased
because of the decline in U.S. interest rates. |
The
ongoing financial crisis has caused dramatic changes in asset prices and
exchange rates across the globe. Stock markets have lost 40 percent or more of
their value in both advanced economies and emerging markets. Interest rate
spreads on corporate and sovereign bonds have widened dramatically. Exchange
rates have been very volatile: the currencies of most emerging markets and
some advanced economies (such as the United Kingdom) have seen steep declines,
while the yen has appreciated very sharply. In addition to their impact on
macroeconomic activity, these changes have significantly affected the external
assets and liabilities of the main creditor and debtor countries.
Take, for example, the world’s
largest external borrower—the United States. How did the crisis affect its
position vis-à-vis the rest of the world? Preliminary estimates suggest that
the U.S. net external position—meaning the difference between U.S. residents’
financial claims on the rest of the world and the rest of the world’s
financial claims on the United States—saw in 2008 its most serious
deterioration in history: more than $2 trillion. This deterioration occurred
despite substantial declines in the market value of U.S. wealth—which
inflicted losses on foreign holders of U.S. assets, and significantly exceeded
net borrowing by the United States (the current account deficit) that amounted
to “only” some $650 billion. Similarly, changes in asset prices and exchange
rates seriously affected the net external positions of countries that ran
large current account surpluses in 2008, such as
China, Japan, and
the oil exporters.
This article explores the ways
in which the ongoing crisis is affecting the net external positions of the
borrowing and lending countries and the likely consequences of these
developments. It starts out by explaining how economists measure a country’s
net external position, discusses in detail the changing external position of
the United States as well as of creditor nations, and concludes with some
thoughts about how these and related developments could affect the unwinding
of global imbalances.
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Japan instead likely experienced net capital losses on its NIIP, which
may well have declined despite the current account surplus.
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Gauging net external positions:
Explaining the worries about
persistent “global imbalances”—that is, large current account deficits and the
associated external borrowing in countries such as the United States, and
large current account surpluses and associated external lending by countries
such as China and the major oil exporters—is relatively straightforward.
Consider, for example, a deficit country. Over time, it will accumulate large
external liabilities, which need to be serviced (and thus require a trade
surplus). Its ability to attract foreign capital may also decline as its
external position deteriorates, causing the exchange rate to depreciate and
its cost of external borrowing to increase.
The risk associated with large
external liabilities will clearly depend on the international environment.
During periods of growing international financial integration, residents of a
country increase the share of their wealth invested overseas, thus making it
easier to borrow and lend internationally. In periods of financial turmoil, of
which the current one is an extreme case, the risks associated with a large
recourse to external borrowing can rise dramatically, as is vividly
illustrated by cases such as Hungary and Latvia.
To measure a country’s net
external position, economists typically focus on the so-called net
international investment position (NIIP—the difference between a country’s
residents’ financial claims on the rest of the world and the rest of the
world’s financial claims on a country’s residents). A country’s NIIP can
change for two reasons: net external borrowing or lending (the mirror image of
current account deficits or surpluses) and changes in the value of the
country’s assets and liabilities due to fluctuations in exchange rates and
asset prices. For example, if China holds a large stock of U.S. Treasury bonds
and the value of these bonds increases because U.S. interest rates decline,
then China’s NIIP will improve. Conversely, an appreciation of the renminbi
vis-à-vis the U.S. dollar will tend to reduce the renminbi value of China’s
dollar-denominated assets and hence worsen the NIIP. The NIIP should not be
confused with a measure of the country’s overall wealth: for example, if the
productivity of a country’s firms increases, the market value of these firms
will rise, and so will the country’s wealth. however, if foreigners own some
of the shares of these firms, the country’s NIIP may well deteriorate, because
some of the wealth gains will accrue to the rest of the world.
Developments in the
U.S.:
Why then did the U.S. NIIP deteriorate so much? And what
consequences will that have?
To understand these
developments, it is useful to start by characterizing the U.S. position at
end-2007, which was negative to the tune of $2.2 trillion. The U.S. external
assets were characterized by large holdings of portfolio equity and foreign
direct investment (FDI), while U.S. external liabilities were predominantly in
debt instruments (such as treasury and corporate bonds). The net equity
position (the sum of portfolio equity assets and FDI assets minus the sum of
portfolio equity and FDI liabilities) was positive at about $3 trillion, and
the net debt position negative, at more than $5 trillion. In terms of currency
composition, U.S. external assets are predominantly denominated in foreign
currency, whereas U.S. liabilities are almost entirely denominated in dollars.
After posting strong gains for
several years, stock market valuations in 2008 plummeted worldwide, battered
by the financial crisis. Because the United States is substantially “long” on
equity instruments vis-à-vis the rest of the world, this has inflicted severe
net capital losses on U.S. residents. These net losses were further boosted by
the fact that the stock market decline was larger in non-U.S. stock markets
than in the United States,
also reflecting some dollar appreciation. All told, stock price declines have
likely worsened the U.S. portfolio equity position by some $1.3 trillion. In
addition, the dollar value of U.S. FDI abroad has been negatively affected by
the dollar appreciation, implying a further deterioration in the U.S. net
equity position.
Although the global financial
crisis originated in a segment of the U.S. debt securities market and gave
rise to very large changes in bond prices, the net impact of these
fluctuations on the U.S. debt position is likely to be modest. At the end of
2007, foreigners held significant amounts of U.S. Treasury bonds and bills
($2.4 trillion), agency bonds ($1.6 trillion), and corporate bonds ($2.8
trillion). Both treasury and agency bonds rose in value with the decline in
interest rates, while corporate bonds (which include privately issued
mortgage-backed securities) declined in value. Net losses on corporate bonds
likely exceeded the gains on treasury and agency bonds.
At the same time, however, U.S.
residents incurred losses on their holdings of bonds issued overseas, for
various reasons: declining emerging-market dollar bond prices; the impact of
the dollar’s appreciation on the value of U.S.-held local-currency bonds; the
decline in corporate bond prices in Europe; and declining values of
asset-backed securities (bonds issued by entities in the Cayman Islands but
backed by U.S. mortgages, and bought by U.S. residents). The net valuation
losses incurred by U.S. residents on these debt instruments may well exceed
those incurred by foreign residents on U.S. bonds.
All told, the net loss on the
U.S. external
portfolio is likely to be in the range of $1.5 trillion—and would be even
higher if FDI were estimated at market value. This very large figure once
again illustrates how, in a world with large cross-border holdings of
financial instruments, fluctuations in the value of these instruments can
swamp the effect of net borrowing or lending. It also illustrates the danger
of extrapolating a systematic over performance of asset returns as an
alternative to current account adjustment: as Chart 2 illustrates, the United
States had experienced very large net capital gains during 2002–07 that
allowed it to maintain a broadly stable NIIP, despite relying heavily on
external borrowing. These capital gains originated from very high returns on
foreign equity holdings by U.S. investors, which increased in value much more
rapidly than the U.S. equity holdings held by foreign investors, as well as
from significant dollar depreciation, which increased the dollar value of U.S.
foreign-currency holdings. Both trends were reversed in 2008.
Developments
in creditor countries:
Which countries experienced the corresponding net gains on
their net external position during 2008? And, more generally, what have been
the implications of the dramatic changes in exchange rates and asset prices on
global asset and liability holdings? The first point to note is that the
decline in stock prices across the globe has reduced considerably the market
value of financial wealth in virtually all countries, a shock compounded in a
number of countries by declining values of residential and commercial real
estate. Countries where foreign holdings of domestic stocks substantially
exceed their residents’ holdings of foreign stocks (a country group that
includes most emerging markets, as well as the euro area) experienced net
capital gains on their external position, even though their aggregate wealth
declined. My rough preliminary estimates suggest that the improvement in the
net external position arising from equity price changes could be on the order
of $1 trillion for the euro area, and on the order of $200 billion for several
large emerging markets, such as Brazil, China, India, Korea, and Russia.
More generally, how did the
changes in asset prices and exchange rates affect the external position of the
largest creditor countries: China, Japan, and the oil exporters? All these
economies ran large current account surpluses in 2008, which, other things
equal, further increased their NIIP. But of course changes in asset prices and
exchange rates also had a significant impact. Specifically,
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In market-value terms, China
likely experienced significant capital gains on its holdings of U.S.
Treasury and agency bonds, whose value increased because of the decline in
U.S. interest rates. These net gains should be added to those
on the net portfolio equity position mentioned above (foreigners own more
shares of Chinese companies—including American depositary receipts—than
Chinese residents own foreign shares).
On the other hand, the
appreciation of the renminbi vis-à-vis the U.S. dollar and other currencies
has increased the dollar value of FDI in China. On balance, net capital
gains were likely positive, so at market value the Chinese NIIP is likely to
have increased by more than the current account surplus would suggest.
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Japan instead likely
experienced net capital losses on its NIIP, which may well have declined
despite the current account surplus. The main reason for this development is
the behavior of the exchange rate: the yen appreciated dramatically in 2008
(more than 30 percent in nominal effective terms), and because Japan’s
external assets are predominantly denominated in foreign currency and its
liabilities in domestic currency, the yen value of assets has declined
relative to liabilities.
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Calculating the impact of
asset price changes on the value of external assets in oil exporters is a
daunting task, in light of the paucity of information on the size and
composition of their assets. Some decline in the value of their external
assets is likely, in light of the global decline in equity prices, but the
extent of this decline cannot be pinpointed accurately (for an estimate of
losses by sovereign wealth funds in Gulf Cooperation Council countries, see
Setser and Ziemba, 2009).
Impact on global imbalances:
How do these developments, and the ongoing economic and
financial crisis more generally, relate to prospects for an unwinding of
global imbalances? Although one cannot do justice to this issue in a few
paragraphs, here are a few general points:
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The external adjustment
process was—at least partially—under way before the crisis: excluding oil
imports, affected by record-high energy prices, the U.S. current account
deficit had been declining since the end of 2005, helped by a significant
weakening of the dollar since its 2002 peak.
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With a much reduced equity
cushion, the large negative debt position of the United States now looks
more vulnerable, underscoring the importance of a further reduction in the
current account deficit.
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IMF World Economic
Outlook projections suggest that such a reduction will occur, helped by
the dramatic decline in oil prices, which could reduce the U.S. current
account deficit by $150 billion or more in 2009, as well as by the very
sharp decline in U.S. demand.
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More generally,
international trade volumes are plummeting with the large declines in output
and demand across the globe, and the evolution of trade and current account
balances in the United States and elsewhere will depend on the relative
severity and duration of the downturn in each country relative to its
trading partners—something on which there is clearly great uncertainty.
As for the main creditor
regions and countries:
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Among oil-exporting
countries, the decline in the value of external assets is compounded by the
very large reduction in oil revenues—indeed, their $600 billion current
account surplus in 2008 may disappear altogether in 2009.
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In Japan, lower commodity
prices would tend to cushion the decline in the current account surplus
driven by the significant yen appreciation and lower external demand.
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In China, whose external
accounts will benefit from lower commodity prices, a sizable boost to
domestic demand would be key to countering the risk of a severe slowdown
domestically, and help the process of external rebalancing.
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